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Opportunity Structures Assignment: Winter 1997. Diploma in Careers Guidance, College of Guidance Studies, Swanley. Cole Davis How successful have changes in the educational curriculum and training provision been in preparing young people for the emerging demands of the new labour market? What are the implications for the Careers Service as a result of this, and what support can individual Careers Advisers provide? Since the 1970s (e.g. James Callaghan's 1976 Ruskin speech), British policymakers have appeared to focus on making education and training relevant to the needs of the labour market. As the labour market has continued to change drastically, it is necessary to examine these changes as the criteria for then measuring the reforms and their effects. The implications of this matrix upon the careers service and proposed strategies for individual practitioners will then be discussed together. 'Flexible working' is demanded by organisations that have themselves changed radically to meet global demands (Handy, 1989). Competition, accelerated by the effects of new technology, have led to the diffusion of transnational corporations' mores. Retail staff are required to serve around the clock. Traditional working class manufacturing jobs are in steep decline; such wages as are available are rightly or wrongly priced as part of a market economy (Hutton, 1995). Many professional jobs have been mutated by deregulation and the emergence of comparatively new specialisms. One of these, information technology, with the accompanying confidence in instant communication, is creating a revolution in the staffing needs of those occupations which would otherwise appear to be continuing in a traditional manner. Full-time permanent employment would appear to be a vanishing commodity, or at least the province of the over-worked (Handy, 1994) and insecure (Hutton, 1995). Some of this is related to the interdependent factors of part-time work and the increasing participation of women in the workforce (Maguire, 1991) and may in time be changed by demographic factors (Tillsley, 1995). It should be noted that extrapolations of trends may only be of value for a few years; at our current rate of change, almost any scenario is possible. The only common denominator seems to be volatility (and even that may eventually change). Certain demands, however, appear to be made of the current workforce. A basic standard of literacy and numeracy is often required, with a growing demand for communication skills, particularly I.T. related; these are to be referred to henceforth as core skills. Manual jobs not requiring these have diminished considerably in number. Jobs at even relatively junior professional levels require more than content knowledge; such process skills (hence to be referred to as key skills) vary in formulation (c.f. Pring, 1989; Rajan & Bevan, 1990), but include elements such as working as part of a team, decision-making, and entrepreneurial flair. The use of the term 'skills' may be a rather unfortunate one, giving the impression of neatly categorised achievements, measurable at given levels: 'benchmarked'. The development of the National Vocational Qualification (NVQ) is the obvious manifestation of such an approach, with performance criteria for differing levels being attuned to the perceived requirements of the employer and now being incorporated into Network Training and Modern Apprenticeships. According to the careers advisers recently interviewed by the writer, the NVQ is gaining respect amongst employers, in spite of concerns about college-based NVQs (Financial Times, 1996). Such support may be attributed to the advantages of on-the-job training: skills are not always easily transferable to other companies, a cosy recruitment process is available without the tenure strings of traditional apprenticeships, and the subsidies on top of low wage levels is also attractive to employers. This short-term approach may not meet emerging needs, however. A training within one company, trained in its way of working, may not be of use to employee or employer in the uncertain long- or even medium-term. The GCE A level, while still respected by 'older' universities, which in turn produce degrees acceptable to many large employers, also fails to generate transferable skills, often in terms of core as well as key skills. Some proponents of history, philosophy and psychology make claims to the development of 'critical thinking' and 'powers of analysis'. Even if true, such arguments hardly extend to the academic route as a whole. Universities complain about the poor standards of literacy of undergraduates. This problem is being countered by taking grammar into account during assessment; success without training input is uncertain, however. Employers of graduates also complain about an insufficient breadth of key skills. Once on a purely academic curriculum, students are unlikely to practise key skills in a broad sense in further education. If transferable skills are indeed required on initial entry, perhaps with an embryonic 'portfolio' for future regular job changes (Handy, 1989), the narrow bases of the NVQ and A levels are a cause for concern. They often only provide utility, respectively, within the current employing organisation or a circumscribed area of academic study. The GNVQ attempts to straddle the divide between the academic and the vocational. Although didactically based, it focuses upon a particular industrial sector (e.g. leisure and tourism), and its emphasis on performance criteria within continuous assessment familiarises students with the NVQ system, now increasingly available at level 4 as a route to professional qualifications. It is also being increasingly accepted as an equivalent to A levels by many universities and some employers. Its adoption of core skills as non-negotiable targets within the curriculum constitutes an attempt to improve candidates' employability. Unfortunately, the likeliest source of key skills is both available and avoidable. Work experience placements, usually two fortnightly periods in any given academic year, are not assessed; even attendance is not mandatory. Given the additional problem of scarcity and difficulty in arranging - placements give them lower priority than TRIDENT and professional qualification placements - tutors sometimes fail to take placements seriously and may even discourage students from going. Viewed from most perspectives - getting a 'taster' of a type of work, enriching course-based knowledge, or developing skills - this must surely be viewed as an opportunity often wasted. It may also strengthen the more cynical, but widely held, view that the GNVQ is merely a further education route for the less able. Such a view also encompasses secondary education. "More cynical commentators have suggested that the government's desire to maintain traditional examinations and to introduce records of achievement as well is a re-enactment of the 'sheep and goats' mentality of the earlier tripartite system, with academic examinations being preserved for the scholastic elite and records of achievement servicing the needs of the rest..... Some would go further and argue that the wide-ranging emphasis of records of achievement on recording a great variety of skills and personal qualities, as well as specific attainments, is a re-enactment of the old elementary school concern with civic virtue and Godliness as well as basic competence in the 'three R's' ..." (Broadfoot, 1989). One should also note that a concern with the authenticity of apparently student-created records - and an understandable circumlocution in teachers' testimonials - makes them rather unreliable measures of attainment. This of course undermines their value in facilitating entry into the labour market. The national curriculum, does, however, make a serious attempt to prepare students in core and key skills. Primary schools concentrate on literacy and numeracy (key stage 1). At secondary level, there is an emphasis on process that may have some validity in the development of key skills; in, for example, 'C.D.T.', planning, implementation and evaluation are valued, as well as the actual production. T.V.E.I., introduced in the early 1980s, encouraged this, as well as schools and industry links. The National Curriculum, with its core components and an attempt to maintain a balance between sciences and other, more popular subjects - the notions of 'choice' and 'range' - is mainly aimed at raising the attainment levels of children of average and below average ability. At least more people may become numerate and literate enough to compete for the wider range of clerically focused jobs that would appear to be largely replacing assembly line jobs. Rees (1992) cites class and gender as primary determinants of the type of course selected, in school, on youth training placements, and in further and higher education. She refers to the Sex Discrimination Act of 1975, which led to textbooks being monitored for more blatant stereotyping (c.f. Race Relations Act) and prevented the debarring of pupils from non-traditional options. Recent media concerns about schoolboys' inadequate GCSE results may in fact have missed the point. The apparent deficit is a relative one, girls' performances having improved, the effects of legislation on education having filtered through. "However, economic recession and the growth in youth unemployment are seen to undermine the view that investment in education will ensure continuing economic prosperity." (Brown, 1989). In spite of an upturn in employment in 1997, young people not pursuing full-time further education are being encouraged to take part in the successors of the Youth Training Scheme rather than in 'real jobs'. It could well be argued however, that the unemployment situation would be much grimmer if the schemes did not alter the statistics (Killeen, 1996). As mentioned above (in relation to NVQs), the narrowness of on-the-job training may limit its longer-term benefits in the face of continuing technical and occupational volatility. At the same time, whilst providing employers with cheap labour, the schemes do give trainees a continuing foothold on the qualification ladder which is increasingly a factor in the labour market. Brown (1989), however, doubts the ability of employers to stipulate training needs. They agree only on "the need for a flexible and adaptable workforce capable of responding to changes in the work process". There are also very grave doubts about the over exposure of youth training to market forces. It is hard to envisage an adequate preparation for such insecurity; neo-Keynesians such as Hutton would argue that such destabilisation is in fact deleterious and should be challenged. (Hutton, 1995). Whether or not a more regulated approach to political economy comes about - and the new Labour government of 1997 does not currently seem to be on such a course - we can currently only be certain of uncertainty. As noted earlier, there are diminishing returns upon extrapolations from current trends. The most reasonable suggestion for improving education may be a revised form of liberal education (or humanistic, perhaps); in requiring people for all seasons, Renaissance Man (with Woman) may return. In the meantime, the Careers Service may be seen to bear the burden of lubricating the employment exchange system, adapting individuals to the needs of the labour market (Roberts, 1977). This is in line with one of two governmental aims for guidance work, that of economic efficiency. (Watts, 1996a). The clear implication for careers advisers is that whatever their feelings or ideological principles, they should be informing clients about appropriate training schemes or courses, whichever is appropriate to individual needs. Clearly, a person's development, personal attributes and aspirations need to be taken into account, with the leavening of realistic information about the labour market. Given the shifting patterns of occupations and training and educational provision, the gathering of Labour Market Information (and Intelligence) will remain a crucial role within careers services (the diversity deriving from privatisation and roles in further education, etc., suggest the plural to the writer). Individual careers advisers clearly have a professional duty to update their knowledge. Continuing and improved liaison with careers education teachers, as well as specialist input from advisers, is required to form a firm foundation for guidance. Transmission of sound L.M.I. may reduce some of the usual burden of unrealistic expectations. A second governmental aim, that of promoting social equity (Watts, 1996a), is easily translated into policy statements for careers companies, which have to comply in any case to be awarded contracts. Careers advisers, however, can take a truly active role. A woman who has been informed that 'airports are no place for girls' (actual case), and has been advised to take a social care course, may be informed of the reality of industrial needs, female participation in the workplace, and of the facts of sexual discrimination and relevant legislation. Similarly, careers advisers may take action by reporting direct and indirect discrimination to the EOC, CRE, etc. Increasing diversity is a reality of the emerging labour market, which can be discussed within careers education and is necessary to both discourage conflict and to encourage local market needs. (Local needs, and obvious matches with local people, should not blind advisers, however, to individuals' potential. One adviser, on the writer's recent placement, failed to challenge or make alternative suggestions when an academically strong working class black woman introduced her intention of becoming an air hostess). One of the factors of the labour market is the uneven distribution of work, and types of jobs, over the country. As well as gathering and disseminating information which facilitates mobility, in Europe as well as nationally, truly local market information is also needed. The careers adviser can improve on the service's information by developing contacts amongst employers and actually generating the idea of training opportunities amongst such 'providers'. In dealing with some of the above-mentioned problems of training and work experience placements, careers services and careers advisers have complementary roles. Careers services should promote the importance of wider skills development as a strategy for enabling longer-term organisational change (including the current Investors in People scheme) and may also encourage providers to consider the benefits of the NVQ and other non-academic routes to competence. Advisers should also promote the latter during careers education, and in liaison with teachers and other agencies. Careers advisers, in conjunction with their services are able to discourage employers who abuse training schemes. They do not have to 'feed' clients to such employers in the future; given occasional shortages, and the subsidy, this may be an effective sanction, used with discretion. Within schools and further education, careers advisers should encourage placements to be seen as integral to learning, both in terms of curriculum (especially GNVQ) and in general understanding of work. Work 'tasters' may be misleading, given limited exposure, and may sometimes lead to superficial preferences in guidance interviews. Whilst tactics must reflect limited influence, there are ways in which these considerable weaknesses in the system may be addressed. Even if unable to encourage careers teachers and further education tutors to act directly, direct interaction within education guidance could emphasise the benefits to be gained by preparing for placements and by sharing knowledge afterwards. Services could also mail relevant institutions to promote such an initiative. University careers services should continue to stress the advantages of work experience, in terms of wider skills development as well as 'looking good on your c.v.'. Given a tendency for tutors on non-vocational courses to regard careers education and guidance as entirely the province of careers professionals (Watts, 1996b), a proactive approach is required, including general information from the service as an intervention, but preferably with direct interaction in the form of careers education where possible. A similar approach may be usefully aimed at A level students. In advising on unemployment, a clear problem for the academically less able, including those with various special needs, the careers service should encourage programmes which allow skills training at work (e.g. Network Training). Individual advisers still have to consider individual circumstances, including the client's right to choose. There will be cases where moving straight to a job is appropriate - or unavoidable. Advising the client of the possibilities of future (and life-long) learning is a reasonable tactic: the National Open College Network (Mackinnon, 1997) is providing a national framework of vocational qualifications to overlay traditional adult education courses, whilst the Open University offers a part-time mature students' route to academic advancement. These are amongst the range of opportunities which may be discussed in guidance interviews. Careers advisers should thus be capable of adopting strategies which equip individuals as well as possible for the ever-changing labour market. In such a volatile environment, no system of education or training is likely to prove adequate. Vocational routes may be poorly coordinated and inadequate supported academically; academic courses may lack the wherewithal for students to acquire necessary key skills. It will be seen, however, that careers services and individual careers advisers may design interventions to directly and indirectly ameliorate these shortcomings. REFERENCES Broadfoot, P. (1989) Records of Achievement and the GCSE. In Cosin, B., Flude, M. & Hales, M. (eds.) School, Work and Equality. Sevenoaks: Hodder & Stoughton. Brown, P. (1989) Schooling for Inequality? Ordinary kids in School and the Labour Market. In Cosin, B., Flude, M. & Hales, M. (eds.) School, Work and Equality. Sevenoaks: Hodder & Stoughton. Financial Times (1996) A limited measure of success. Financial Times, 27 March, 1996. Handy, C. (1989) The Age of Unreason. London: Random. Handy, C. (1994) The Empty Raincoat. Sydney: Random. Hutton, W. (1995) The State We're In. London: Vintage. Killeen, J. (1996) The social context of guidance. In Watts, A.G., Law, B., Killeen, J, Kidd, J.M. and Hawthorn, R. Rethinking careers education and guidance. London: Routledge. Mackinnon, I. (1997) A qualifications system that offers wider access. People Management, 4 December, p.43. Maguire, M. (1991) British labour market trends. In Ashton, D. & Lowe, G. Making Their Way - Education, Training & the Labour Market in Canada and Britain. Buckingham: Open University Press. Pring, R. (1989) The Curriculum & the New Vocationalism. In Esland, G. (ed.) (1990) Education, Training & Employment, vol. 2. Wokingham: Addison-Wesley. Rajan, A. & Bevan, S. (1990) British Socio-economic trends to 1995 and their employment implications. Brighton: Institute of Manpower Studies. Rees, T. (1992) Women and the Labour Market. London: Routledge. Roberts, K. (1977) The Social Conditions, Consequences and Limitations of Careers Guidance. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, 5, 1, 1-9. Tillsley, C. (1995) Older workers: findings from the 1994 Labour Force Survey. Employment Gazette, April, 1995. Watts, A.G. (1996a) Careers guidance and public policy. In Watts, A.G., Law, B., Killeen, J, Kidd, J.M. and Hawthorn, R. Rethinking careers education and guidance. London: Routledge. Watts, A.G. (1996b) Careers work in higher education. In Watts, A.G., Law, B., Killeen, J, Kidd, J.M. and Hawthorn, R. Rethinking careers education and guidance. London: Routledge.
CareerSteer – careers test for career choice www.careersteer.org